Op-ed: Beyond Propaganda and lies (Part 2) by Adisa Ridwan Ajadi

In Part 1, I established in my elucidation that, assessing all data available for Federal Allocation between June 2015 – May 2019 and June 2019 – December 2022, AbdulRahman’s government has gotten more FAAC compared to Meigida’s 2015-2019 administration. (see part 1 for available breakdown)

In that same Part 1, I have referred to the Kwara State IGR and how it has delightfully soared during this current administration compared to what was obtainable in Meigida’s second term.

In those analyses, I submitted facts available to me rather than deploying the name-calling, political correctness, or facetious approach to asserting a stand on matters that are of public interest, knowledge, and importance.

However, herein, the component of my analysis will be based on Kwara State Domestic Debt Profile within the timeframe in the subject matter. We will, together, look at the Kwara debt profile between 2015 to 2019 and also look at it between 2019 to 2022. Perhaps if we do this, the frivolity of the utterance backed by unsubstantiated data would appear more distinct to the peddlers. Well, that’s if the self-serving fellows will allow themselves to see beyond propaganda and sentiments.

A quick review of the Sub-National Debts Documents from the Debt Management Office (DMO), Nigeria will reveal the Kwara State domestic debt profile to date to anyone in search of facts and data surrounding this analysis.

In December 2015, the Kwara State Domestic Debt Profile was #31,966,815,195.18. By June 2019, it has built up into #61,335,531,821.69 contrary to the #63bn cited by Ajakaye in one of his articles (see; Kwara’s debt profile – and one more thing published by Vanguard on April 13, 2022).

The difference between the figures above is #29,368,716,626.51. This interprets that Meigida only raised the Kwara debt profile with #29bn.

Now let’s look at what we have now during this current administration.

As quoted above, in June 2019, Kwara State Debt Profile maintained #61,335,531,821.69. The DMO data also reveals that as of September 2022, the debt profile has increased to #109,551,279,948.44. The difference between this amounts to #48,215,748,126.75.

Since it’s not my duty to tell whatever anyone has done with what he has gotten, I will only stick to data and facts available numerically. From the differences, one would see that Meigida only increased the Kwara debt profile by 52.1% between December 2015 and June 2019. Meanwhile, Abdulrahaman has toppled him by bringing it up with 55.9% between June 2019 to September 2022. That’s a 3.8% difference which also shows that this current administration has gotten us more debt compared to Meigida’s second term.

This – the debt profile analysis, as well as the IGR and FAAC’s, has shown that it will only remain a mere political statement/propaganda to state that Meigida’s 2015 to 2019 has gotten more than this current administration.

Well, who knows? Perhaps in Part 3 of my analysis – which will cover grants, aids, and other finances; what these data are confirming to be false may miraculously turn out to how the peddlers had wanted us to see it. But until then, their lies are bursted yet again.